Reject Obama's Proposed Joint Resolution

President Obama’s proposed Joint Resolution to deal with ISIL is a fraud. What it does is:

- Give prestige and recognizes unacceptable aspirations to the terrorists,
- Limit where and how we will use force,
- Expires quickly,
- Repeals the AUMF.  

What it says it will do is to authorize limited military force against the terrorist organization that calls itself ISIL.

In intellectual isolation, that sounds like a noble cause. To believe it, is to ignore the fact that the US military has been conducting limited force actions against various terrorists organizations for more than thirteen years. Along the way, there have been ups and downs.

After the infamous suicide terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the 107th Congress passed the Joint Resolution known as Authorization for Use of Military Force (AUMF).

The AUMF is a piece of political genius, a work of art. In the past, congressional use of force and declarations of war were targeted against the governments deemed responsible for aggression; however, the terrorist attacks of 09/11/2001 were not attributed to a state actor. Confusion existed at many levels as to who to focus our revenge upon and as the best way to prevent future attacks. As public debate raged, Congress acted.

The AUMF authorized the President to put the hurt on nations, organizations, or persons to avenge the terrorist attacks and to prevent future attacks. Adding weight to the Presidents empowerment under the AUMF, it did not specify the states and non-state actors.

President Bush called it the Global War on Terrorism (GWOT) and the war was waged with political, economic, and military power. From its beginning, President Bush expressed his highest regards for Islam. For the terrorists, he promised to a global dragnet to bring the terrorists to justice and to help prevent future terrorist acts.

With no geographical restraints, due to wording of the AUMF, force was applied in Afghanistan, the Philippines, Georgia, Yemen, Djibouti, Kenya, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Iraq, and Somalia. With no named terrorist groups, the US was free to pursue them around the world and on the high seas. Terrorists could not hide in any country, under any name, and expect to have a safe refuge.

After President Obama had taken power, some changes were made. In 2009, the military was banned from using the term GWOT; instead, the term Overseas Contingency Operation (OCO) was to be used. The media and an occasional government official uses it today, maybe to patronize the citizens who believe GWOT objectives still are in play.

Today, many people are complaining about what words Obama’s administration will or will not use to refer to the enemy. Some of his supporters have suggested naming the enemy is a distraction. Maybe it is.

Under AUMF, the enemy had many names, but it did not matter. We were acting as required to prevent any future acts of international terrorism against the United States by such nations, organizations or persons. Under OCO, we have lost that vision. The rules of engagement became blurred. The success of terrorist attacks, fueled by a common ideology, are becoming more frequent, and it should alarm us.

Oh yes, we got Bin Laden, we heard the briefing, but somehow we lost Iraq. In the quagmire of Obama’s wars, the leaders of Libya and Egypt were sucked into the chaos of whatever we are allowed to call those organizations that follow a common extreme ideology. Somehow Obama got away with using NATO as a cover to apply US airpower, which destroyed the Libyan air force, leaving the dictator vulnerable. After the insurgents mauled, humiliated, sodomized, and killed him, the situation devolved. Egypt recovered before it was too late by killing their way back to power, but in Libya we lost an ambassador, and our government still has not told us the truth about why that happened.

Obama’s joint resolution to Congress seeks authorization to do a small portion of what the AUMF already authorizes. Additionally, it calls the growing terrorist organization that is infamous for raping women and children, cutting off heads, and burning captives, by the name they once wish to be called:  Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL). Ironically, Obama declared ISIL to be neither a state nor Islamic. The irreconcilable declarations assail anyone capable of thinking. Giving formal recognition of the insurgent group through legislation makes no sense. Making the logic more ridiculous, the organization dropped “Levant” from its name this summer.

Maybe this suggests they have greater ambitions than just the Levant, the countries bordering on the Eastern Mediterranean. Using the term ISIL in his joint resolution, Obama limits US actions to that organization and in that region. Currently, there are groups in Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, Egypt, Yemen, and Afghanistan with ideological ties and allegiance to the group in Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon. Additionally, it is public knowledge they are recruiting people from Europe and the United States. Neglecting to identify this global ideological threat is folly.

Zeba Khan, in a Boston Globe editorial recommended using the insulting term Daesh for the bad guys. The French government is using the Arabic term because it is apparently appropriate and insulting. Two fine reasons to use it. If the word is too offensive for Obama, them maybe we could piggy-back on something he said about the Daesh using a twisted interpretation of Islam. We could call them the TWisted Interpretation Terrorists, or Twits for short. Any name that denies them respect and prestige would be fine.

Section 6 of Obama’s resolution repeals the AUMF. Destroying the terrorist organization can not be the intent, because section 2 (c) prevents the use of enduring offensive ground combat operations. We heard various experts declare, “You can’t do this with airpower alone. You need boots on the ground.” By boots on the ground, they are talking about enduring offensive ground combat operations.

As a noted airpower doctrine authority, I agree that you can’t do everything with airpower, just as you can’t do anything without it. Modern wars are fought and won using the best mix of well-funded, well-trained, doctrinally-compliant joint forces. Using anything less is an open invitation to failure.

Recent experience clearly demonstrates that quickly winning a war, where nation-states are secondary players, especially when restraint is used, can't be done. Section 3 in Obama's proposed resolution terminates the use of force after three years, three years. That is never going to work. If passed, the only thing for certain would be the termination of the AUMF, which is something the bad guys would appreciate.

Because it makes no sense, Obama’s joint resolution needs to be placed in file 13. Because it summons terrible consequences, it should be vocally rejected by anyone who rejects the vision of the Twits, or whatever you want to call them.

 Daesh? Or a few other names that come to mind are trolls, ogres, finks, pucks, anything you like, just don't be nice about it.

---

The Chronicles of Susah

If you haven't already done so, check out my antediluvian novels at Amazon. You'll be glad you did.

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The Dragoneers
The Lost Dragoneer
The Last Dragoneer

Lyndon B. Johnson’s Remarks at the 12th National Prayer Breakfast

After the November 1963 assassination of JFK, President Johnson had greatness thrust upon him. He reflected on his source of strength, which helped him make his unexpected transition to becoming the leader of the free world as he addressed the nondenominational group of laymen gathered at the Mayflower Hotel in Washington on February 5, 1964:

Senator Carlson [Senator of Kansas and chairman of the board, International Council for Christian Leadership], Mr. Speaker [Representative John W. McCormack], Mr. Chief Justice [Earl Warren, Chief Justice of the United States], Members of the Cabinet, Dr. Graham, my fellow Americans:

No man could live in the house where I live now or work at the desk where I work now without needing and without seeking the strength and the support of earnest and frequent prayer.

Since last we met, it has fallen to me to learn personally the truth Thomas Jefferson spoke so long ago, when he said:

"The second office of the Government is honorable and easy--"The first is but a splendid misery."

In these last 70 days, prayer has helped me to bear the burdens of this first office which are too great to be borne by anyone alone.

We who hold public office are enjoined by our Constitution against enacting laws to tell the people when or where or how to pray.

All our experience and all our knowledge proves that injunction is good. for, if government could ordain the people's prayers, government could also ordain its own worship--and that must never be.The separation of church and state has served our freedom well because men of state have not separated themselves from church and faith and prayer.

Senator Carlson, I believe that these annual prayer breakfasts serve a most useful purpose in both reminding and reassuring the people that those who hold their trust are themselves godly and prayerful men and Women.

In saying this, there is a personal thought that I would like to express to you: This federal city of Washington in which we live and work is much more than a place of residence. for the 190 million people that we serve and for many millions in other lands, Washington is the symbol and the showcase of a great nation and a greater cause of human liberty on earth.

In this Capital City today we have monuments to Lincoln and to Jefferson and to Washington, and to many statesmen and many soldiers. But at this seat of government there must be a fitting memorial to the God who made us all.

Our Government cannot and should not sponsor the erection of such a memorial with public funds. But such a living memorial should be here. It should be a center of prayer, open to all men of all faiths at all times.

If I may speak this morning as a citizen and a colleague and a friend, I would like to suggest to this group, which has done so much through all the years, that it undertake the mission of bringing together the faiths and the religions of America to support jointly such a memorial here in this federal city--the capital of the free world.

The world is given many statistics about the per capita vices of Washington, but the world knows all too little about the per capita virtues of those who live and labor here.

I believe--and I would hope that you would agree--that the true image of Washington is not that of power or pomp or plenty. It is, rather, that of a prayerful capital of good and God-fearing people. (1)

[The President spoke first to the gentlemen in the hotel's presidential ballroom and then to the ladies in the east room.]

Mrs. Lanford, [wife of Representative Richard E. Lankford of Maryland and president of the congressional wives prayer group] Dr. Graham, ladies:

I am glad to be with you again this morning at your annual meeting, but I still believe that when the prophet Isaiah said, "Come, let us reason together," he did not have in mind that the men and women should assemble in separate rooms.

Since we last met 1 year ago, all of us in this land have known the need of prayer. None has known that need so keenly as I have. If I may, I would like to relate to you a little personal experience from these days which fortifies anew the great teachings of the Book of Proverbs:

"Train up a child in the way he should go, and when he is old, he will not depart from it."

In my childhood, like your children-had the great blessings of a devout and faithful mother. In our home, as in yours, there was always prayer--aloud, proud, and unapologetic.

Through the long, busy, and sometimes hectic years since, observance of some of that training became irregular, especially the practice of returning thanks before each meal.

But in those first dark days of November, when the pressures were the heaviest and the need of strength from Above the greatest, Lady Bird and I sat down together to eat a meal alone. No word or glance passed between us, but in some way we found ourselves bowing together, and I found myself speaking the words of grace that I had learned at my mother's knees so many years ago.

We of this land have so much to be grateful for. The God above us has been good to us from the very beginning of this Republic.

With the duties which rest upon us, we have much to pray for--that we may, as a nation, be just in our strength, wise in our actions, and faithful in our trust.

The men of public life have a very special debt--a special debt--to the strong women who, as their wives and as mothers of their children, make possible the service of the public trust.

I think the Nation may understand this a little better now since the unforgettable inspiration offered so gallantly before the entire world by the widow of our gallant and beloved President, Mrs. John F. Kennedy.

Ours is a great nation, but we must always humbly remember that much of our greatness in the world is born of the godliness that we practice in the homes that you keep.

I believe, as I know you believe, that our children should be taught to pray; but I know and I believe, as I think you believe, that this teaching is our task in our homes-a task much too sacred to ever be touched by the state.

I would hope that we might all remember the petition of the father of our Country, George Washington, who urged his countrymen to offer "humbly our prayers and supplications to the great Lord and ruler of nations, and generally to grant unto all mankind such a degree of temporal prosperity as He alone knows to be best." 

(2)

---

Quiz

Questions to review and understand President Lyndon B. Johnson's remarks of 1964:

1. Why has the separation of church and state served our freedom well?
2. What useful purpose has the annual prayer breakfasts served?
3. President Johnson believed that the true image of Washington D.C. is not that of power or pomp or plenty, but instead is what?
4. Who has been good to us from the very beginning of this Republic?
5. President Johnson believe that our children should be taught to what?

Use the transcript above to grade yourself. Each question is worth 20 points.

---

The Chronicles of Susah

If you haven't already done so, check out my antediluvian novels at Amazon. You'll be glad you did.

If you have read them, then I ask you to consider posting a review wherever you acquired the books. Thanks for reading my books.

They're also available for your Nook and iBook.

The Dragoneers
The Lost Dragoneer
The Last Dragoneer

---

Answers

Here are answers to the quiz on President John F. Kennedy's remarks of 1961:

1. What were the two propositions of our nation's founders?
- First, a strong religious conviction, and secondly a recognition that this conviction could flourish only under a system of freedom.
2. What principle is required for the principle of religious freedom to have significance?
- Religious conviction: "Religious freedom has no significance unless it is accompanied by conviction."
3. Name the seven religions identified as sharing both principles.
- the Puritans, the Pilgrims, the Quakers, the Catholics, the Presbyterians, the Methodists and the Baptists
4. (True or False) Though previous Presidents came from a variety of religious backgrounds and held a variety of beliefs, each of them placed trust in God.
- True
5. What are the two hallmarks of American society?
- "Religious freedom and religious conviction are the two hallmarks of American society"

How did you do?

---

REFERENCES

(1) Lyndon B. Johnson: "Remarks at the 12th Annual Presidential Prayer Breakfast.," February 5, 1964. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=26057

(2) The Commission of Fine Arts (CFA) has reviewed designed for the 2015 and 2016 Presidential Dollars. http://news.coinupdate.com/cfa-recommendations-for-presidential-dollars-3217/

President Kennedy's Remarks at the National Prayer Breakfast

By the time John F. Kennedy assumed the office of the President of the United States in 1961, the President's participation at the annual National Prayer Breakfast was expected by everyone. Kennedy was no stranger to religious concerns by Americans. Enough people were so alarmed over the implications of where a Catholic President's loyalty would lie, that he sought to salve those concerns.

"I am not the Catholic candidate for president. I am the Democratic Party candidate for president, who also happens to be a Catholic. I do not speak for my Church on public matters, and the Church does not speak for me. 

Whatever issue may come before me as President, if I should be elected, on birth control, divorce, censorship, gambling or any other subject, I will make my decision in accordance with these views, in accordance with what my conscience tells me to be in the national interest, and without regard to outside religious pressure or dictates. And no power or threat of punishment could cause me to decide otherwise. 

But if the time should ever come, and I do not concede any conflict to be remotely possible, when my office would require me to either violate my conscience or violate the national interest, then I would resign the office; and I hope any conscientious public servant would do likewise." (1)

Kennedy questioned whether the 40 million Catholic were considered ineligible for the office of President based on their baptism. Catholics had a long tradition of making the same kind of sacrifices as Protestants had. He once stated, "No one asked me my religion [serving the Navy] in the South Pacific." (2)

The 35th President continued Eisenhower's tradition by taking the podium at the ninth annual National Prayer Breakfast on February 9, 1961 and addressed the crowded room.

Mr. Chairman [US Senator Frank Carlson from Kansas], Dr. Graham, Mr. Vice President--gentlemen:

I think it is most appropriate that we should be gathered together for this morning's meeting. This country was founded by men and women who were dedicated or came to be dedicated to two propositions: first, a strong religious conviction, and secondly a recognition that this conviction could flourish only under a system of freedom. 

I think it is appropriate that we pay tribute to this great constitutional principle which is enshrined in the First Amendment of the Constitution: the principle of religious independence, of religious liberty, of religious freedom. But I think it is also important that we pay tribute and acknowledge another great principle, and that is the principle of religious conviction. Religious freedom has no significance unless it is accompanied by conviction. And therefore the Puritans and the Pilgrims of my own section of New England, the Quakers of Pennsylvania, the Catholics of Maryland, the Presbyterians of North Carolina, the Methodists and the Baptists who came later, all shared these two great traditions which, like silver threads, have run through the warp and the woof of American history.

No man who enters upon the office to which I have succeeded can fail to recognize how every President of the United States has placed special reliance upon his faith in God. Every President has taken comfort and courage when told, as we are told today, that the Lord "will be with thee. He will not fail thee nor forsake thee. Fear not--neither be thou dismayed." 

While they came from a wide variety of religious backgrounds and held a wide variety of religious beliefs, each of our Presidents in his own way has placed a special trust in God. Those who were strongest intellectually were also strongest spiritually. 

Today our Nation is passing through another time of trial. In many ways, our dangers and our problems are far greater--and certainly infinitely more complex. We will need to draw upon the best that this Nation has--often--and draw upon it physically and intellectually and materially. 

But we need also to call upon our great reservoir of spiritual resources. We must recognize that human collaboration is not enough, that in times such as these we must reach beyond ourselves if we are to seek ultimate courage and infinite wisdom. It is an ironic fact that in this nuclear age, when the horizon of human knowledge and human experience has passed far beyond any that any age has ever known, that we turn back at this time to the oldest source of wisdom and strength, to the words of the prophets and the saints, who tell us that faith is more powerful than doubt, that hope is more potent than despair, and that only through 'the love that is sometimes called charity can we conquer those forces within ourselves and throughout all the world that threaten the very existence of mankind.

Keeping in mind that "when a man's ways please the Lord, he maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him," let us go forth to lead this land that we love, joining in the prayer of General George Washington in 1783, "that God would have you in His holy protection, that He would incline the hearts of the citizens .... to entertain a brotherly love and affection one for another .... and finally that He would most graciously be pleased to dispose us all to do justice, to love mercy, and to demean ourselves with .... the characteristics of the Divine Author of our blessed religion, without an humble imitation of whose example we can never hope to be a happy nation." 

The guiding principle and prayer of this Nation has been, is now, and shall ever be "In God We Trust." 

Thank you.(3) 

[The President spoke first to the gentlemen in the hotel's main ballroom and then to the ladies in the east room. ]

Madam Chairwoman [Mrs. Olin D. Johnston, wife of US Senator Johnston of South Carolina], Dr. Graham, Mr. Vice President: 

It seems to me that in the true Christian spirit next year we should all sit down together, and that we should have gentlemen and ladies pray and reason together, and not confine them in different rooms.
But we are glad we came here--the Vice President and I came under the protection of Dr. Graham.
I do want to say that it is a pleasure to be here and to have participated in the breakfast this morning. I had an opportunity in the White House the other day to talk to a group of men and women from the Baptist World Alliance who have been missionaries, some in the Congo, one lady who has been in Bengal, India, since 1926, others who have been in Thailand and Korea. 

I do not regard religion as a weapon in the cold war. I regard it as the essence of the differences which separate those on the other side of the Iron Curtain and ourselves. 

The whole basis of the struggle is involved in the meeting this morning: our strong belief in religious freedom, our strong conviction, as I attempted to say in my inaugural, that the blessings which come to us come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God--and this alternate concept that the state is the master and the people the servants. 

This is really the essence of the issue. We cannot have religious freedom without political freedom, and therefore what we really need is not to confuse a system of freedom with one of disinterest, uninterest, cynicism, materialism, but like the ladies and gentlemen whom I talked to the other day, who have been willing to spend their lives under the most difficult of circumstances, in great hardship, in order to carry the message in which they have such great conviction, it seems to me it shows a lesson for us all. 

We must match that faith. We must demonstrate in our lives, whatever our responsibility may be, that we care deeply. 

I see no reason why the servants of the Communist system should be marked by a discipline and strong conviction in the ultimate success of their cause. I believe that our cause is just, that ultimately it will be successful. But it can only be successful if we demonstrate our strong conviction in it.
Religious freedom and religious conviction are the two hallmarks of American society, and therefore as a strong believer in both, I wanted to say that I deem it an honor to share this evidence of our common belief in these two great principles at this breakfast this morning. What we do this morning, I hope we can do every day.

Thank you.(3)

Questions to review and understand President John F. Kennedy's remarks of 1961:

1. What were the two propositions of our nation's founders?
2. What principle is required for the principle of religious freedom to have significance?
3. Name the seven religions identified as sharing both principles.
4. (True or False) Though previous Presidents came from a variety of religious backgrounds and held a variety of beliefs, each of them placed trust in God.
5. What are the two hallmarks of American society?

Use the transcript above to grade yourself. Each question is worth 20 points.

If you haven't already done so, check out my antediluvian novels at Amazon. You'll be glad you did.
If you have read them, then I ask you to consider posting a review wherever you acquired the books. Thanks for reading my books.

They're also available for your Nook and iBook, if that helps.

The Dragoneers
The Lost Dragoneer
The Last Dragoneer

Here are answers to the February 10 Quiz on President Eisenhower's remarks:

1. What was the American objective for the first year of the Revolutionary War?
- To establish our right to be free British citizens.
2. What is the very basis for the American government?
- We hold that all men are endowed by their Creator with certain rights.
3. Why is prayer a necessity?
- By going our imperfections and making the effort to get in touch with the Infinite, there is something that ties us together.
4. Why should we remind ourselves occassionally about the basic truth our forefathers in 1776 understood so well?

- We can hold up our heads and be certain that we in our time are going to be able to preserve the essentials, to preserve as a free government and pass it on, in our turn, as sound, as strong, as good as ever.

How did you do?

---

REFERENCES

(1) John F. Kennedy: “Address to the Greater Houston Ministerial Association,” September 12, 1960. Online by American Rhetoric. http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/jfkhoustonministers.html 

(2) Richard Reeves (1993). President Kennedy: Profile of Power, page 15. New York: Simon & Schuster.

(3) John F. Kennedy: "Remarks at the Dedication Breakfast of International Christian Leadership, Inc.," February 9, 1961. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=8211

Why does the President speak at the National Prayer Breakfast?

President Obama's recent remarks about the misdeeds performed in the name of Christ in the middle ages caused quite a stir in the social media arena. Interestingly, many people diverted their discussion to justifying the Crusades based on the conquest of the Jihadist. The debates are quite heated, and there is much to learn about ancient history, assuming one was interested in ancient history. While I am interested in history, there are people doing a better job so I won't delve into that subject here; at least, not for now.

What about separation of church and state?

On February 5, Obama said, "Our government does not sponsor a religion, nor does it pressure anyone to practice a particular faith or any faith at all." Irony? The President, the head of the Executive branch of our government stood there remarking at the National Prayer Breakfast, a yearly event held in Washington, D.C., on the first Thursday of February every year since 1953.

Since the 1980s, the breakfast has been held in the Hilton's International Ballroom, and is typically attended by some 3,500 guests, including international invitees from over 100 countries. The United States Congress hosts the event, which is organized on their behalf by The Fellowship Foundation, a Christ-centered organization.

As with most things, if is difficult to understand why things are as they if you are ignorant of the history behind it. To shed some intellectual light on how all of this came to be, let's look at the President's remarks. Not Barrack Hussein Obama, the 44th President, but Dwight David "Ike" Eisenhower, the 34th President and the first President to speak at the National Prayer Breakfast, which was held at the Mayflower Hotel in Washington on February 5, 1953:

Mr. Chairman (US Senator Frank Carlson of Kansas), distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen:

This has been a wholly enjoyable occasion for me except for the one second when I opened the little blue slip and found that it said there would be an address by the President. I assure you, both for your sakes and for mine, there will not be.

There are a few thoughts, though, that crowd into my mind. With your permission I will attempt to utter them in a very informal and homely way. 

First, there is a need we all have in these days and times for some help which comes from outside ourselves as we face the multitude of problems that are part of this confusing situation. I do not mean merely help for your leaders or the people in Congress, in the Cabinet and others in authority, because these problems are part of all of us. They face each one of us because we are a free country. Each of us realizes that he has responsibilities that are equal to his privileges and to his rights. 

So, as he approaches them at times, he says: "If we only had the simple, the good old days, how easy all this would be. What a nice life." 

Once in a while it might be a good thing for us to turn back to history. Let us study a little bit of what happened at the founding of this Nation. 

It is not merely the events that led up to the Revolutionary War. All of the confused problems that we were then called upon to solve were as difficult as those we face now. Did you ever stop to think, for example, that the first year of that war was fought in order that we might establish our right to be free British citizens, not to be independent. From April 1775 until July 4, 1776, there was no struggle for independence. It was a struggle to make people understand that we were free British citizens. So you can understand the confusion of thought that was going on. 

So when we came down to the Declaration of Independence, our forefathers had difficulty in meeting their problems which was probably as great for them as we feel our problems today. In the Declaration they acknowledged the need to respect public opinion. They said, "When in the course of human events"-and they went on to say a decent respect for mankind impelled them to declare the decisions which led to the separation. They realized that the good opinion of the whole world was necessary if this venture was to succeed. At least they felt that an understanding of this venture should be abroad in the world. 

They went on to try to explain it. What did they say? The very basis of our government is: "We hold that all men are endowed by their Creator" with certain rights. 

When we came to that turning point in history, when we intended to establish a government for free men and a Declaration and Constitution to make it last, in order to explain such a system we had to say: "We hold that all men are endowed by their Creator." 

In one sentence we established that every free government is imbedded soundly in a deeply-felt religious faith or it makes no sense. Today if we recall those things and if, in that sense, we can back off from our problems and depend upon a power greater than ourselves, I believe that we begin to draw these problems into focus. 

As Benjamin Franklin said at one time during the course of the stormy consultation at the Constitutional Convention, because he sensed that the convention was on the point of breaking up: "Gentlemen, I suggest that we have a word of prayer." And strangely enough, after a bit of prayer the problems began to smooth out and the convention moved to the great triumph that we enjoy today--the writing of our Constitution. 

Today I think that prayer is just simply a necessity, because by prayer I believe we mean an effort to get in touch with the Infinite. We know that even our prayers are imperfect. Even our supplications are imperfect. Of course they are. We are imperfect human beings. But if we can back off from those problems and make the effort, then there is something that ties us all together. We have begun in our grasp of that basis of understanding, which is that all free government is firmly founded in a deeply-felt religious faith. 

As we sympathize with our great friends in Holland and Britain today in this distressing disaster that has overtaken them, it is good to know that the American soldiers, the American Navy, the American airmen, are sharing those disasters and are moving in as units and as individuals to help. I have had messages from both of those countries expressing their great thanks to America for the work they are doing. They, to my mind, are part of this understanding that a government such as ours hopes to produce people who are moved by sympathy, by all of those wonderful qualities that are implicit in a deeply-felt religious faith. They are living up to what we hope for our government, both as units and as individuals. 

I think my little message this morning is merely this: I have the profound belief that if we remind ourselves once in a while of this simple basic truth that our forefathers in 1776 understood so well, we can hold up our heads and be certain that we in our time are going to be able to preserve the essentials, to preserve as a free government and pass it on, in our turn, as sound, as strong, as good as ever. That, it seems to me, is the prayer that all of us have today. 

It has been very wonderful to meet you. Until I started over I had the picture, which Frank Carlson gave me last summer, of a small Congressional group of Congressmen and Senators who met on a morning each week. I had an idea of coming over to see 20 or 25 or maybe 50 people. I had no idea that our host had such a party as this. I do hope I may speak for all of you in thanking him for such a breakfast, the like of which I have not had in 10 years. As long as you feed me grits and sausage, everything will be all right.

Thank you.*

Surprise Quiz:
Questions to review and understand President Eisenhower's remarks of 1953:

1. What was the American objective for the first year of the Revolutionary War?
2. What is the very basis for the American government?
3. Why is prayer a necessity?
4. Why should we remind ourselves occassionally about the basic truth our forefathers in 1776 understood so well?

Use the above transcript to grade yourself. Each question is worth 25 points.

Check out my books at Amazon. You'll be glad you did.

Also available for your Nook and iBook.

The Dragoneers
The Lost Dragoneer
The Last Dragoneer

------------------------------
* Reference: Dwight D. Eisenhower: "Remarks at the Dedicatory Prayer Breakfast of the International Christian Leadership.," February 5, 1953. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=9851